“History repeats itself, first as tragedy, second as farce”
Karl Marx
One of the relatively few compensations of getting older is that it lends one a certain perspective on things. And whilst I might not go all the way with the bearded one, it does become possible to see patterns emerging, and to assess the success or otherwise of government initiatives and reforms.
“Few, if any, ministers believe Labour can win an outright majority in this election” said the BBC’s political correspondent Nick Robinson in his blog on 7 April 2010, perhaps a little surprisingly. Still, if even key Labour party insiders are not convinced they will be able to form a government on 7 May, this looks like a good time to consider their 13 years in power and their lasting impact on the tax system, and through that on the people of this country. So here are my thoughts on 20 aspects of Labour party tax policy and measures since 1997.
- Dividend tax credits
One of the first measures introduced by Gordon Brown in his 1997 Budget was a wholesale revision of the dividend taxation system, with the following key features:
· Abolition of advance corporation tax
· Introduction of a specific dividend tax rate of 10%, covered by a non-payable and non-repayable tax credit
· No tax on dividends for basic rate taxpayers
· No tax credit repayments for charities and pension schemes (see below for more on the latter)
With hindsight we can see that the key effects of these changes have been:
- The development of the ‘standard’ small company model of nominal salary topped up by dividends up to the limit of the basic rate band. No doubt at considerable cost to the exchequer, given the extreme tax efficiency of this model.
- The beginning of serious problems for pension schemes, particularly final salary schemes, coupled with a naïve belief among trustees that the stock market would go on rising indefinitely.
- Pensions tax regime
“The House of Lords, throughout the war,
Did nothing in particular,
And did it very well”
WS Gilbert
Which brings me neatly to pensions. Possibly the most irritating aspect of Labour tax policy over the past 13 years has been an irresistible urge to meddle with the tax system, resulting in ever longer Finance Acts (see ‘scrutiny of tax legislation’ below) and increased complexity in the tax system. A good example of this has been the treatment of pensions tax relief. Having created significant problems for pension scheme trustees with the abolition of repayable dividend tax credits, the government then sought to redeem itself with a wholesale reform and simplification of the pensions system in 2006, which for once appeared to do ‘what it said on the tin’, replacing a multitude of different tax regimes with a single comprehensive system.
But then they complicated things again by restricting higher rate tax relief for pension contributions for those with income over £150,000 (or do I mean £130,000) and introducing a complex system of forestalling to prevent taxpayers flooding money into pension schemes before the new legislation comes into force next year. Given that we are simultaneously being told how vital it is that we make our own pension provision rather than relying on the state, this appeared to be odd timing, driven more by the exigencies of economic meltdown than any coherent tax philosophy. I think it is fair to say that overall the government has not helped the pensions industry over the past 13 years.
- Complexity and scrutiny of tax legislation
The desire to tinker, coupled with an obsession with anti-avoidance (see below), has resulted in longer and longer Finance Bills being put before Parliament, which has been coupled with a reduction in the time available to the Treasury Committee to subject Bills to detailed review. This is a very dangerous combination, and has resulted in a number of ill thought out pieces of tax legislation reaching the statute book. On the positive side, the government has been prepared to consult in advance of much new tax legislation, but has not always listened to the professional advice it receives and has still tended to spring controversial changes on us by surprise, suggesting that it does not trust the tax profession to deal honourably with prior consultation on controversial tax issues, which is more than a little insulting, to be honest. It would also help if one had the impression that all of the Treasury Committee members, not to mention Treasury ministers, actually understood the tax system.
- IR35
More than once, faced with a perceived problem in the tax system, the government has sought indirect solutions which have appeared ill thought-out and have been largely ineffective. Cue IR35, a response to an increasing tendency, particularly affecting computer technicians, to operate on a freelance basis through limited companies. Leaving on one side the fact that some of the main perpetrators of this practice are government departments (possibly including the Treasury), IR35 is a complex regime, it is inconsistently applied (fuelling suspicions that it was solely aimed at computer technicians) and has been largely ineffective in stemming the perceived abuse it was designed to stamp out, mainly because the ingenuity of the tax profession tends to outstrip that of the Treasury and HMRC. Not a success, in short.
- The ‘greening’ of the tax system
A significant number of, largely piecemeal, reliefs have been introduced to encourage more environmentally friendly behaviour by taxpayers, reflecting in my view a genuine concern about and understanding of the critical importance of environmental issues. But in one area the government deserves great credit for helping to bring about a sea change in manufacturer and consumer behaviour, and that is the area of motor vehicle taxation. The CO2-based company car regime, coupled with vehicle excise duty incentives to drive cleaner cars, has resulted in dramatic improvements by the motor trade in the cleanness and fuel efficiency of the internal combustion engine, not to mention the introduction of radical alternatives to that traditional means of propulsion. I think it is fair to say that government action in this area has forced the motor trade to proceed at a much faster rate down these lines than would otherwise have been the case, which is to the government’s great credit.
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- Research and development tax reliefs
The government has recognised that the future of the British economy is innovation and hi tech product development. Accordingly it has introduced a very generous enhanced tax relief regime, administered by the most helpful and enlightened group of HMRC employees it has ever been my privilege to encounter in the specialist R & D offices. So shame on the accountancy profession for not ensuring that more of its eligible clients take up these reliefs, but credit to the government for positive action to stimulate a vital area of the modern UK economy.
- Anti-avoidance
"The difference between tax avoidance and tax evasion is the thickness of a prison wall."
Denis Healey, Labour Chancellor of the Exchequer 1974 to 1979
“Every man is entitled if he can to order his affairs so as that the tax attaching under the appropriate Acts is less than it otherwise would be. If he succeeds in ordering them so as to secure this result, then, however unappreciative the Commissioners of Inland Revenue or his fellow taxpayers may be of his ingenuity, he cannot be compelled to pay an increased tax.”
Lord Tomlin, 1936
“No man in this country is under the smallest obligation, moral or other, so to arrange his legal relations to his business or to his property as to enable the Inland Revenue to put the largest possible shovel into his stores.”
Lord Clyde, 1929
Here we have the government’s obsession, and a significant missed opportunity to seize the tide of public opinion and take effective action in this area. It was clear from an early stage that the government would tackle avoidance on a piecemeal basis, which resulted in its early days in a rather farcical game of catch up, whereby the government’s ability to legislate against tax avoidance schemes always appeared to lag behind the ability of the extreme end of the tax profession to dream up new ones.
This ultimately led to the very sensible innovation of the obligation to disclose tax avoidance schemes, and also to the growing distinction between tax mitigation (using the tax system for the purpose intended to reduce tax liabilities) and tax avoidance (increasingly artificial schemes designed to thwart the purpose of the legislation). If it was the latter, it needed to be disclosed.
One of the few silver linings of the banking crisis and ensuing recession for the government should have been the opportunity to seize on a sea change in public and tax professional opinion regarding tax avoidance. Given that much of the most flagrant avoidance was perpetrated by the banking sector, and given that the scale of the economic crisis concentrated minds on the need for government to raise revenue, public opinion appeared to be, as never before, ripe for a concerted attack on artificial tax avoidance. Here was the chance to introduce a general anti-avoidance rule, or general anti-avoidance principle, outlawing the use of tax legislation other than for the purpose intended; the subversion of tax legislation, if you prefer. The majority of the tax profession would have welcomed this with open arms, had HMRC been prepared to resource a clearance procedure to give certainty in advance about tax planning proposals. But the opportunity to end artificial tax avoidance was lost, because the Treasury would not undertake to resource such a procedure. I believe this to be a very short-sighted decision, which this country may come to regret.
- The corporation tax nil rate band fiasco
The Chancellor introduces, to a great fanfare, an effective exemption from tax for the first £10,000 of corporate profits (admittedly subject to a complex marginal tax regime to withdraw the relief at profit levels of £50,000 and above). Thousands of businesses rush to incorporate to take advantage of what, with a £5,000+ personal allowance, amounts to a £15,000 tax exemption. The Chancellor realises what is happening and withdraws the nil rate band, announcing it as an anti-avoidance measure. Yes, this really happened in the UK in the 21st century, hard as it is to believe. Not Gordon Brown’s finest hour.
- Income splitting
“I will have such revenges on you both,
That all the world shall -- I will do such things --
What they are, yet I know not: but they shall be
The terrors of the earth!”
William Shakespeare, King Lear
So you take a piece of legislation that has lain, virtually dormant, on the statute book since the 1930s, and in respect of which categoric assurances have been given in 1990 that income splitting between spouses is regarded as acceptable tax planning. You use it to hound a computer contractor (spotting the theme here?) through the courts for several years, and you quite rightly lose. You put up a spokesman the day after the House of Lords decides against you and threaten dire retribution on those who dare to split their business income with their spouse (or civil partner). You produce unworkable and subjective draft legislation, and then withdraw it, citing the recession. Yes this happened in the 21st century UK too; not Angela Eagle’s finest hour either.
- Stamp duty land tax
Stamp duty on land appeared at times to be a voluntary tax. The new stamp duty land tax, introduced by the Labour government, is not perfect, but it is a lot better than what it replaced.
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- Pre-owned assets tax
Never in a tax professional’s wildest nightmares had a government addressed a fundamental problem with one tax (inheritance tax) not by improving that tax but by introducing an entirely different tax (a sort of income tax). Not only that, but it appeared to be retrospective (or retroactive, if you believed the government). Has anyone ever paid pre-owned assets tax? And was anyone ever intended to pay it, or was it just a disincentive to future inheritance tax planning schemes involving the family home? How to bring the tax system into disrepute in one easy lesson.
12. VAT flat rate scheme
"Whenever I hear [the word] 'culture'... I remove the safety from my Browning!"
Hans Johst, Schlageter (often misattributed to Hermann Goering, as “I reach for my revolver”)
And whenever I hear the word ‘simplification’ from a Chancellor, I assume the tax system is about to get more complicated. But the VAT flat rate scheme is actually a simplification, and a worthwhile one at that. We have many small business clients who use it, and it saves them time and money. Wonderful!
- Inheritance tax – transferable nil rate band
More simplification! A sensible, practical, easy to understand change which avoids couples needing to make complex wills to ensure they do not waste an inheritance tax nil rate band, and also avoids setting the threshold at a ridiculously high level.
- Capital gains tax – where simplification won’t work
“In a democracy, the people get the government they deserve”
Alexis de Tocqueville
More attempted simplification, thwarted by the taxpayer.
One of Gordon Brown’s early moves as Chancellor was to abolish capital gains tax retirement relief (age based total or partial exemption of gains on disposal of or retirement from a business) with business assets taper relief, an increasingly generous, non-age related, partial exemption for gains on disposal of a business. Give or take a few arguments about what was wholly or mainly a trading company, and all was reasonably well.
Along comes Alistair Darling, and decides to simplify capital gains tax by breaking the link with income tax rates and creating a flat rate of 18%. Cries of horror ensue from the small business community, and the Chancellor backs down and creates entrepreneurs’ relief, a sort of hybrid of retirement relief and business assets taper relief, designed to ensure that £1 million (now £2 million) of gains still attract tax at 10%. So who says taxpayers want a simple tax system?
Perhaps of more far-reaching importance is the severing of the link between income tax and capital gains tax. Given the huge disparity between the top rates of the two taxes, avoidance (or mitigation) activity is now centred on converting income to capital. General anti-avoidance rule anyone?
- Domicile
Pardon me if I am being unfair. You remove the ability for taxpayers to avoid UK income tax on non-UK income kept outside the country (fair enough, you might say). But then you allow the mega-rich to buy their way out of this system for £30,000 a year, regardless of how many millions they save by so doing. Is this any way to run a tax system based on fairness and equity? And in case you think this is a party political point, this was originally George Osborne’s idea, and it stinks to high heaven. And the thought of George Osborne as Chancellor frightens me to death. Are we all equally offended now?
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16. ‘Pursuit’ of tax evaders / disclosure schemes / HMRC merger / HMRC staffing
I throw these apparently disparate issues together because there is a theme running through them.
Harking back to Denis Healey’s prison wall, tax evasion is illegal, punishable at the extreme by imprisonment and fine. However much of a problem tax avoidance might be, the first priority must be to bring everyone into the tax system, kicking and screaming if necessary. Is that a reasonable principle? I think so.
The trouble is, it is difficult, it is time consuming and it is frustrating. And the government is trying to radically reduce the number of civil servants, at HMRC as much as anywhere else. So attention turns to easier targets, and many of the criminals evading UK tax get away scot-free. It wouldn’t be tolerated in any other area of the criminal law, would it?
And then to complicate matters further, a series of court decisions release a windfall of information about offshore bank accounts held by hundreds of thousands of UK taxpayers. But HMRC is not resourced to follow up the mountain of information and collect the huge harvest of unpaid taxes, interest and penalties waiting to be collected. So you offer a series of disclosure schemes, prompting taxpayers to come forward with broad hints from HMRC and banks (the latter is, I believe, called ‘tipping off’ in money laundering terms and is itself a criminal offence punishable by imprisonment or fine) and offering them a fixed 10% penalty, this in a world where the absolute minimum penalty for tax fraud is supposed to be 25%. I know the world isn’t perfect, but aren’t someone’s priorities getting seriously distorted here?
- Capital allowances
The government undertook a wholesale reordering of the capital allowances legislation, which for the vast majority of business represents a major simplification, as they can get full tax relief in year of purchase for £50,000 (and now £100,000) of expenditure on plant and machinery, which also gives a major cash flow advantage compared to the previous partial claims available under the first year allowance system. On the other hand, tax relief for expenditure on industrial buildings disappeared (a bit like British industry, you might say if you were feeling cynical). On the whole though, the changes made sense and represented a genuine simplification of the capital allowances regime.
- The time to pay initiative
The streamlined process for agreeing time to pay arrangements with HMRC introduced in the wake of the financial crisis was a godsend to many hard-pressed taxpayers, and particularly businesses. This was a timely and well thought-out idea, which has now been extended to cover the next Parliament. It is a highly efficient procedure, and it works.
19. Personal allowance restriction (the 60% marginal income tax rate)
This is a complex change, and it creates a 60% marginal income tax rate in the middle of the 40% tax band, which is frankly bizarre. A more gradual tapering of the personal allowance would have given a more sensible rate structure, and perhaps made it less likely that taxpayers and their advisers would seek to bend their ingenuity toward keeping income below the £100,000 level where possible. This is the sort of change that encourages avoidance, or mitigation, of tax.
20. Higher income tax rate
Promises, promises. It is a dangerous thing as a politician to be too specific about what you will and will not do in a highly uncertain future. Promising not to raise the rates of income tax became an unsustainable hostage to fortune in the wake of the recession, and even before then gave rise to widespread accusations of ‘stealth taxes’, a phrase that is a tribute to the spin doctor’s art. Pretending that you can predict how the economy will perform over the next 4 to 5 years is not a wise thing to do at the best of times, and making unsustainable commitments is the likely result.
Summary
It is inevitable than any government’s legislative programme in any significant area will get a mixed report after 13 years in office. Despite occasional commendable flashes of simplification, the overall trend was toward more complex legislation, and a tendency to tinker was also damaging. Relations with the tax profession, which are actually key to the successful operation of the tax system, were put at risk by a clear lack of government trust in us, and a tendency to attack easy targets rather than get to grips with the major malaise of the tax system has also at times been apparent.
We should not, however, discount the bursts of simplification. Capital gains and inheritance tax in particular have benefited from this, along with VAT, whilst I suspect future generations wil have cause to thank the government for the revolution they have helped to bring about in the motor industry in the areas of emissions and fuel economy.
In the same way that Gordon Brown reaped the whirlwind of the banking crisis and recession following Tony Blair’s departure, so Alistair Darling has suffered from following Gordon Brown at the Treasury, with inevitable thoughts of ‘after the Lord Mayor’s Show’. “Be careful what you wish for", said Mother Teresa of Calcutta, which Gordon Brown might ponder, given that his political reputation following his stint as Chancellor stood rather higher than it does at present. Indeed, this assessment of the government’s tax policy would probably have been more positive on balance if made, say, 3 years ago, which I am not sure is entirely Mr Darling’s fault. “Could have done better” would probably be a fair assessment, but whether the Labour government will get the chance to try remains a very open question.
Mark Simpson
19 April 2010